September and August 2010

Updated UK indicators

• Numbers in low income:
  • first and second graphs (over time): the number of people in low-income households in 2008/09 was substantially higher than a few years previously. This rise occurred at all thresholds of low income.
  • third graph (fixed low-income threshold): the number of people below a fixed 1996/97 low-income threshold is actually higher than a few years ago, after having previously halved in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
• Location of low income:
  • first graph (by region): the proportion of people in low-income households is lower than a decade ago in all the regions except for the West Midlands. London now has a much higher proportion than any other region.
• The impact of housing costs:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of people in in low-income households on a 'before deducting housing costs' measure has followed a similar pattern over time to that on an 'after deducting housing costs' measure.
  • second graph (by region): the proportion of people in low income in Southern England (particularly London) is much higher on an 'after deducting housing costs' measure than on a 'before deducting housing costs' measure.
  • third graph (housing costs): housing costs for households with below-average incomes are much higher in London and much lower in Northern Ireland.
• Low income by age group:
  • first graph (over time - rates): the proportion of pensioners who live in low-income households is much lower than a decade ago, the proportion for children is a bit lower, and the proportion for working-age adults without dependent children is a bit higher.
  • second graph (over time - numbers): the only group where the number of low-income people is higher than a decade ago is working-age adults without dependent children.
  • third graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are working-age adults without dependent children.
  • fourth graph (by age): the heightened risk that children face of living in a low-income household does not end at the formal end of childhood but continues through to the age of 21.
• Low income by family type:
  • first graph (by family type): a half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than twice the rate for couples with children.
  • second graph (depth of low income): three-quarters of the people with very low incomes are either working-age adults without children or in couples with children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families..
• Low income and ethnicity
  • first graph (over time): around two-fifths of people from ethnic minorities live in low-income households, twice the rate for White people.
  • second graph (by ethnic group): whilst rates have been falling for all ethnic groups, more than half of people from Bangladeshi and Pakistani ethnic backgrounds still live in low-income households.
  • third graph (by age): for all ages, people from ethnic minorities are, on average, much more likely to live in low-income households than White British people.
  • fourth graph (by family work status): for all work statuses, people from ethnic minorities are, on average, more likely to live in low-income households than White British people.  The gap is biggest for part-working families.
  • fifth graph (working families): among those in working families, around 65% of Bangladeshis, 50% of Pakistanis and 30% of Black Africans are in low income.
  • sixth graph (by geography - risks): unlike ethnic minorities, the proportion of White British people who live in low-income households is similar across the UK.
  • seventh graph (by geography - shares): more than half of people living in low-income households in London are from ethnic minorities.
• Low income by gender
  • first and second graphs (over time): women are a bit - but only a bit - more likely to live in low-income households than men and the gap has narrowed considerably in recent years.
  • third graph (by family type): single female pensioners and female lone parents are both more likely to be in low-income households than their male equivalents, but there is no difference for working-age singles without children.
  • fourth graph (shares by family type): in terms of family type, the composition of those in low income is much more varied for women than for men.
  • fifth graph (over time by family type): the two groups where women dominate - single pensioners and lone parents - are precisely the groups where the proportion who are in low income has been fallen.
  • sixth graph (by age): men aged 60 to 64 are more likely to be in low income than men in any other age group between 25 and 80.
• Income inequalities
  • first graph (changes in real income - percentages): unlike the rest of the population, the poorest tenth have not seen a rise in their average incomes over the last decade.
  • second graph (changes in real income - shares): four-fifths of the total increase in incomes over the last decade has gone to those with above-average incomes and two-fifths has gone to those in the richest tenth.
  • third graph (total income - over time): the richest tenth now have 31% of total income, noticeably more than a decade ago. The poorest tenth have just over 1% of the total income.
  • fourth graph (total income - shares): the income of the richest tenth is more than the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
  • fifth graph (by region): Inner London is deeply divided - it has by far the highest proportion of people on a low income but also a high proportion of people on a high income.
  • sixth graph (composition by income level): within the bottom three income deciles, the proportion who are pensioners rises as income rises whilst the proportion who are in workless working-age families falls as income rises.
  • seventh graph (Gini coefficient): the gini coefficient measure of overall income inequality in the UK is now higher than at any previous time in the last thirty years.
• Lacking essentials:
  • first graph (by item/activity - adults): many people on low incomes say that they cannot afford selected essential items or activities - but so do quite a lot of people on average incomes.
  • second graph (by item/activity - children): regular holidays are by far the most common 'essential' item that children in low-income households lack because their parents say that they cannot afford them.
• In arrears with bills:
  • first graph (by income): a fifth of families in the poorest fifth are in arrears with their bills. This is three times the rate for those on average incomes.
  • second graph (by family work status): a fifth of workless working-age families are in arrears with their bills. This is five times the rate for all-working families.
• Benefit levels:
  • third graph (compared to low-income thresholds): means-tested benefits for a working-age couple with no children are only around half the low-income threshold. By contrast, for a pensioner couple, means-tested benefits are similar to the low-income threshold.
• In receipt of tax credits:
  • third graph (by income group): only a quarter of tax credit recipients are no longer in low income because of the tax credit monies received.
• Children in low-income households:
  • first graph (over time - numbers): the number of children in low-income households is still well above the Government's target for 2004/05. Numbers have risen since 2004/05.
  • second graph (over time - proportions): children remain more likely than adults to live in low income households.
  • third graph (by family type): a half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than twice the rate for couples with children.
  • fourth graph (by region): inner London has a much higher proportion of children in low-income households than any other region.
  • fifth graph (by work status - risks): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
  • sixth graph (by work status - numbers): among children in low income, the number in working families has risen sharply in the last few years whilst the number in workless ones has been falling since the mid-1990s.
  • seventh graph (by work status - shares): more than half of the children in low income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
• Children in receipt of tax credits:
  • first graph (over time): tax credits now take around 1 million children in working families out of low income - but a million more children need this support than a decade ago.
  • second graph (by group): only a quarter of the children in working families in receipt of tax credits are no longer in low income because of the tax credit monies received.
  • third graph (by family type): tax credits are more effective in taking children in lone parent families out of low income than they are for those in couple families.
• Concentrations of poor children:
  • first graph (over time): half of all the primary and nursery school children who are eligible for free school meals are concentrated in a fifth of the schools, a similar proportion to a decade ago.
  • second graph (by phase of education): pupils eligible for free school meals have, on average, twice as many pupils in their school eligible for free school meals.
  • third graph (by region): two-thirds of all local education primary and nursery schools in inner London have a high proportion of their children eligible for free school meals.
• Low birthweight babies:
  • third graph (by region): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight is similar in all regions of Great Britain.
• Educational attainment at age 16:
  • third graph (by free school meal eligibility and gender): young adults are much more likely to live in low-income households than older working-age adults.
  • fourth graph (by free school meal eligibility and ethnicity): unemployed young adults are less likely to be in a low-income household than their older counterparts.
• Young adults in low-income households:
  • first graph (over time): a fifth of all boys eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs.
  • second graph (by family work status): a fifth of all White British pupils eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs, a much higher proportion than that any for other ethnic group.
• Working-age adults in low income:
  • first graph (over time): at around a fifth in 2008/09, the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is now slightly higher than at any time since the mid-1990s.
  • second graph (by region): Inner London has a much higher proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households than any other region.
• Low income by work status:
  • first graph (over time - proportions): an adult’s risk of low income varies greatly depending on how much paid work the family does. Over the last decade, these risks have increased for working families, both 'all-working' and 'part-working'..
  • second graph (over time - numbers): among working-age adults in low income, the number in working families has been rising and now exceeds the number in workless ones.
  • third graph (by family type): most of the rise in working families in low income has been among those without dependent children.
  • fourth graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, more than half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
• Low income and disability:
  • first graph (over time): disabled adults are twice as likely to live in low-income households as non-disabled adults, and this has been the case throughout the last decade.
  • second graph (by family work status): disabled adults in workless families are actually somewhat less likely to be in low income than their non-disabled counterparts.
  • third graph (by family type): for all family types, a disabled adult's risk of being in low income is much greater than that for a non-disabled adult.
• Composition of working-age low income:
  • first graph (by family type): of the 1.7 million adults aged 16 to 24 in low-income households, 1.1 million are single adults without children.
  • second graph (lone parents): four-fifths of lone parents in low-income households are aged 25 or older.
  • third graph (by family type and work status): of the 1.6 million adults aged 34 to 42 in low-income households, 1 million are in families where someone is working and most of these are couples with children.
  • fourth graph (by family work and disability status): of the 1.2 million adults aged 52 to 60 in low-income households, 600,000 have a disabled adult in the family and most of these are workless.
• Older people in low income:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of single pensioners who are in low-income households has halved over the last decade, with smaller falls for pensioner couples.
  • second graph (by family type): pensioners are now less likely to be living in low-income households than non-pensioners.
  • third graph (by age): single female pensioners are more likely to be in low income than either single male pensioners or pensioner couples.
  • fourth graph (shares): around half of low-income pensioners are in couples and the other half are single pensioners.
  • fifth graph (by depth): Unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
  • sixth graph (by region): inner London has a much higher proportion of pensioners who are in low-income than any other region.
  • seventh graph (before deducting housing costs): after deducting housing costs, pensioners are less likely to be in low income than non-pensioners. Before deducting housing costs, however, pensioners are more likely to be in low income than non-pensioners..
• Older people with no private income:
  • first graph (over time): 1.2 million pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits. This is a similar number as a decade ago.
  • second graph (not contributing - by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Two-thirds of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
  • third graph (not contributing - by age): for all ages from 40 to 60, around a third of workers do not have a current pension.
• Without a bank account:
  • first graph (by income - over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is much lower than a decade ago.
  • second graph (by income - by type of account): whilst only 5-6% of the poorest fifth of households now have no account, this rises to 11% if Post Office Card Accounts are not considered to be accounts.
• Polarisation by housing tenure:
  • first graph (over time - by income): half of all people in social housing are in low income compared to one in seven owner occupiers. Both risks are similar to a decade ago.
• Mortgage repossessions:
  • third graph (by income): 500,000 homeowners in the poorest fifth expend more than a quarter of their after tax income on mortgage interest repayments. This represents half of all mortgage holders in the poorest fifth.
• Housing benefit:
  • second graph (by group): one in five households in rented accommodation have a low income but still have to pay full rent.

Updated Scotland indicators

• Numbers in low income:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of people in low-income households fell during the early 2000s but has remained unchanged since then.
  • second graph (fixed low-income threshold): the proportion of people in households below a fixed 1994/95 low-income threshold halved in the late 1990s but has remained largely unchanged since 2001/02.
  • third graph (compared to Great Britain - over time): since 2004/05, the proportion of people who are in low-income households has remained unchanged in Scotland but has increased for Great Britain as a whole.
  • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain - by region): the proportion of people in low-income households in Scotland is now much lower than the Great Britain average.
• Low income by age group:
  • first graph (risks): the proportions of pensioners and children living in low-income households are both lower than a decade ago. By contrast, the proportion for working-age adults without dependent children is similar to a decade ago.
  • second graph (shares): two-fifths of all people in low income are working-age adults without dependent children.
• Low income by family type:
  • first graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is three times the rate for couples with children.
  • second graph (depth of low income): half of all the people with very low incomes are working-age adults without children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families..
• Income inequalities
  • first graph (changes in real income - percentages): unlike the rest of the population, the poorest tenth have not seen a substantial rise in their average incomes over the last decade.
  • second graph (changes in real income - shares): three-quarters of the total increase in incomes over the last decade has gone to those with above-average incomes and two-fifths has gone to those in the richest tenth.
  • third graph (total income - over time): apart from the richest tenth, the overall distribution of income has changed little over the last decade. The poorest tenth have 2% of total income.
  • fourth graph (total income - shares): the income of the richest tenth is the same as the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
  • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): income inequality in Scotland is less than in Great Britain as a whole.
  • sixth graph (composition by income level): compared to the bottom two income deciles, the third decile has more pensioners and more working families.
• Lacking essentials:
  • first graph (by item/activity - adults): many people on low incomes say that they cannot afford selected essential items or activities - but so do quite a lot of people on average incomes.
• Children in low-income households:
  • first graph (over time): despite a reduction over the last decade, children continue to be much more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
  • second graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is three times the rate for couples with children.
  • third graph (by work status): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
  • fourth graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
  • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children in low-income households in Scotland is now lower than in any of the other regions of Great Britain. This is because the falls over the last decade have been greater in Scotland than in any of the other regions..
• Low birthweight babies:
  • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight in Scotland is similar to the Great Britain average.
• Infant deaths:
  • first graph (over time): children born to parents from manual backgrounds are around twice as likely to die in their first year of life as those born to parents from non-manual backgrounds.
• Young adult suicides:
  • first graph (over time): there are around 100 suicides amongst young adults aged 15-24 each year, mostly males. This is less than a decade ago.
• Working-age adults in low income:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is similar to a decade ago.
  • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households in Scotland is lower than the UK average.
• Low income by work status:
  • first graph (over time): the only families with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
  • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, almost half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
  • third graph (by family type): for working-age adults in low income in both working and workless families, the proportion who do not have dependent children has increased.
• Premature death:
  • sixth graph (by local authority - selected diseases): the standardised mortality rate for stomach cancer, lung cancer and heart disease in Glasgow is almost twice as high as that in the best areas.
• Older people in low income:
  • first graph (over time): with substantial falls over the last decade, pensioners are now much less likely to be living in low income than non-pensioners.
  • second graph (by family type): the one in six pensioners who are in low income compares to almost half of all people in lone parent families.
  • third graph (by depth): unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
  • fourth graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of pensioners in low income in Scotland is lower than in any of the other regions of the UK.
• Older people with no private income:
  • first graph (over time): around 140,000 pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits.
  • second graph (not contributing - by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Two-thirds of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
  • third graph (not contributing - by age): for all ages from 40 to 60, around a third of workers do not have a current pension.
• Without a bank account:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is an order of magnitude less than a decade ago.

Updated Wales indicators

• Numbers in low income:
  • first graph (over time): the estimated number of people who are in low-income households fell in 2008/09 after rising in 2007/08. Current trends are therefore unclear.
  • second graph (fixed low-income threshold): the proportion of people in households below a fixed 1994/95 low-income threshold halved in the period to 2002/03 but has remained largely unchanged since then.
  • third graph (compared to Great Britain - over time): the proportion of people in low-income households in Wales has followed broadly similar trends over time as that for Great Britain as a whole.
  • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain - by region): the proportion of people in low-income households in Wales is slightly higher than the Great Britain average, as it was a decade ago.
• Low income by age group:
  • first graph (risks): children remain more much likely to live in low-income households than either working-age adults or pensioners.
  • second graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are working-age adults without dependent children.
• Low income by family type:
  • first graph (by family type): half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than double the rate for couples with children.
  • second graph (depth of low income): three-quarters of the people with very low incomes are either working-age adults without children or in couples with children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families..
• Income inequalities
  • first graph (over time): the poorest tenth have 1½% of total income whilst the second poorest tenth have 4%. The richest tenth have 25-30%.
  • second graph (shares): the income of the richest tenth is similar to the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
  • third graph (Compared to Great Britain): income inequality in Wales is less than in Great Britain as a whole.
• Children in low-income households:
  • first graph (over time): children continue to be much more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
  • second graph (by family type): half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than double the rate for couples with children.
  • third graph (by work status): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
  • fourth graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
  • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children in low-income households in Wales is now similar to the Great Britain average, having been higher than average a decade ago.
• Low birthweight babies:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of babies born with a low birthweight is similar to a decade ago.
  • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight in Wales is similar to the Great Britain average.
• Working-age adults in low income:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is similar to a decade ago.
  • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households in Wales is slightly higher than the UK average.
• Low income by work status:
  • first graph (over time): the only families with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
  • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, almost half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
  • third graph (by family type): for working-age adults in low income in both working and workless families, the proportion who do not have dependent children has increased.
• Older people in low income:
  • first graph (over time): pensioners are now much less likely to be living in low income than non-pensioners.
  • second graph (by family type): the one in five pensioners who are in low income compares to half of all people in lone parent families.
  • third graph (by depth): Unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
  • fourth graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of pensioners in low income in Wales is similar to the UK average.
• Older people with no private income:
  • first graph (over time): around 80,000 pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits.
  • second graph (not contributing - by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Three-quarters of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
  • third graph (not contributing - by age): for all ages from 30 to 60, around two-fifths of workers do not have a current pension.
• Without a bank account:
  • first graph (over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is much lower than a decade ago.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

• Numbers in low income:
  • first graph (after deducting housing costs): the proportion of people who are in low-income households measured after housing costs are deducted is somewhat lower in Northern Ireland than the Great Britain average.
  • second graph (before deducting housing costs): the proportion of people who are in low-income households measured before housing costs are deducted is somewhat higher in Northern Ireland than the Great Britain average.
  • third graph (housing costs): housing costs for households with below-average incomes are much lower in Northern Ireland than in any of the regions of Great Britain.
• Low income by age group:
  • first graph (risks): as in Great Britain, children in Northern Ireland are more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
  • second graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are children.
• Low income by family type:
  • first graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is two-and-a half times the rate for couples with children..
• Children in low-income households:
  • first graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children who are in low-income households is somewhat lower in Northern Ireland than in either Wales or any of the English regions.
  • second graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is two-and-a half times the rate for couples with children.
  • third graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work..
• Not in education, employment or training:
  • fourth graph (by deprivation of area): more pupils in deprived catholic areas go on to Further or Higher Education than do pupils in deprived protestant areas.
• Low income by work status:
  • first graph (over time): as in Great Britain, the only families in Northern Ireland with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
  • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, half have someone in their family who is in paid work.
• Low income and disability:
  • first graph (compared to Great Britain): disabled working-age adults in Northern Ireland are twice as likely to live in low-income households as non-disabled adults.
• Older people in low income:
  • first graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of pensioners who are in low-income households is higher in Northern Ireland than in any of the Great Britain regions except for London.
  • second graph (by family type): Similar proportions of single pensioners and pensioner couples are in low income.
• Older people with no private income:
  • first graph (compared to Great Britain): two-fifths of single pensioners - and a fifth of pensioner couples - have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits. These proportion are much greater than those in Great Britain.
  • second graph (not contributing - by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Three-quarters of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
  • third graph (not contributing - by age): for all ages from 30 to retirement age, around two-fifths of workers do not have a current pension.
• Without a bank account:
  • first graph (compared to Great Britain): at all income levels, the proportion of households lacking a bank account in Northern Ireland is much higher than in Great Britain.
• Physical environment:
  • first graph (risks): there is a strong relationship between the state of the local outdoor physical environment and the deprivation of the area. The relationship between housing quality and deprivation is much less clear.
  • second graph (shares): well over half of areas with the worst physical environment are in the most deprived fifth of all local areas.
• Victims of crime:
  • first graph (by deprivation of area): Assaults are much more common in areas with above-average deprivation. Burglaries are also a bit more common but the differences are much less.

Updated rural England indicators

• Numbers in low income:
  • first graph (rates): one in six people in rural districts live in low-income households. This compares with one in four in urban districts.
  • second graph (shares): 3.5 million people in rural districts live in low-income households - around a third of the total.
  • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of people who are in low income is slightly - but only slightly - lower than a decade ago.
• Low income by age group:
  • first graph (rates): children and working-age adults in rural districts are much less likely to be in low income than their urban counterparts, but this is not the case for pensioners.
  • second graph (shares): the proportion of people in low-income households who are pensioners is higher in rural districts than in urban districts.
• Low income by family type:
  • first graph (rates): as in urban districts, lone parent families in rural districts are more than twice as likely to be in low income as other family types.
  • second graph (shares): as a proportion of all those in low income, in rural districts there are fewer in lone parent families and more in pensioner families than is the case for urban districts.
• Income inequalities:
  • first graph (by amount): throughout the income distribution, households in rural districts have, on average, a slightly greater income than households in urban districts.
  • second graph (by share): whilst slightly more than 20% of the population in rural districts in England are in the UK's richest fifth, somewhat less than 20% of the population in these districts are in the UK's poorest fifth.
• Children in low-income households:
  • first graph (rates): a quarter of all children in rural districts live in low-income households.
  • second graph (shares): 1.1 million children in low-income households - a quarter of the total - live in rural districts.
  • third graph (over time): the proportion of children who are in low-income households in rural districts is similar to that of a decade ago.
  • fourth graph (risks by family type and work status): the risk of children being in low-income households is affected mainly by the work status of their parent(s); within each work status, the average levels of risk are mostly similar in both rural and urban districts.
  • fifth graph (shares by family type and work status): two-thirds of children in low-income households in the more rural districts live in a family where at least one of the parents is working. This is a much higher proportion than that in urban districts.
• Educational attainment at age 16:
  • first graph (by free school meal eligibility and gender): a fifth of all boys in rural districts who are eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs.
• Working-age adults in low income:
  • first graph (rates): One in six working-age adults in rural districts live in low-income households. This is noticeably lower than the proportion in urban districts.
  • second graph (shares): 1.9 million working-age adults in low-income households - a quarter of the total - live in rural districts.
  • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is slightly higher than a decade ago.
• Low income by work status:
  • first graph (rates): for any particular family work status, the risk of a working-age adult being in low income is broadly similar in both rural and urban districts.
  • second graph (shares): in the more rural districts, around two-third of working-age people with low incomes live in families where someone works. Only a third live in workless families..
• Older people in low income:
  • first graph (rates): one in six pensioners in rural districts live in low income. This proportion is similar to that in urban districts.
  • second graph (shares): 700,000 pensioners in low-income households - two-fifths of the total - live in rural districts.
  • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of pensioners who are in low income has fallen substantially over the last decade.
• Older people with no private income:
  • first graph (no private income): pensioners in rural districts are much less likely than those in urban districts to rely solely on the state retirement pension and state benefits for their income.
• Polarisation by housing tenure:
  • first graph (by income): almost half of all people in social housing in rural districts are in low income. This compares to around one in seven of those in other tenures..

Updated local area data

• Educational attainment at age 16 (England only; lower tier spreadsheet and map).

http://www.poverty.org.uk/summary/what%20is%20new.shtml

http://www.poverty.org.uk/summary/rural.htm