"This talk of 'benefit cheats' is not only stigmatising, it is slanderous, too" - A good article from Zoe Williams, Guardian.
I read this article yesterday in the newspaper and post it online as it takes the "spin" off the whole misleading issue of Benefits Cheats being rife. I liked it because its the best article I have read that explains the facts. If you have people that are mislead by the spin it maybe worthwhile directing them to this article.
Click here for the original online article and to make a/read the comment(s) on it.
By Zoe Williams of guardian.co.uk , 20th October 2010
This talk of 'benefit cheats' is not only stigmatising, it is slanderous, too
The cost of government error dwarfs that of public fraud – surely HMRC's top priority must be to get its sums right
Before we get too animated about the Tory suggestions for dealing with benefit cheats, let's remember that all governments talk like this. George Osborne wants a three-strike rule which will deny benefits to people who have repeatedly been found guilty of fraud.
How this will work is opaque, since you have to assume that these fraudsters, for all their dishonesty, still don't have any money. So they are either to starve, or get food stamps, both of which would represent a radical new direction for welfare policy. But during the election campaign, it was leaked (the technical term is "accidentally on purpose") that Jim Murphy, then Scottish secretary, had suggested to Ed Miliband that people who informed on benefit cheats should get a share of any cash they save the government. In politics, if you have a conversation about benefit fraud and you don't sound like Rush Limbaugh or the Stasi, then you're not doing it right.
The reality of this "cost" never taints the political rhetoric in any way. The figure lost is £5.2bn, but that is fraud and error, which the relevant press officers always pronounce "fraudnerror", as though they were the same thing. The true figure for benefit fraud is £1bn, and £500m for tax credit fraud. About 56,000 people are caught every year perpetrating a fraud, which is about 1.1% of those receiving benefits.
The cost of errors dwarfs that of fraud: in the DWP it's £1.1bn in official error, and £1.1bn in customer error. Within tax credits there's an overall error figure of £1.6bn, over three times the fraud amount. HMRC doesn't specify whose the error is.
The government has suggested a £50 fine for customer errors that could reasonably have been prevented. That is a brilliant idea, but it must be matched, for any semblance of fairness, by compensation from the government when the error is theirs. So far we are only dealing with money lost by the government, not money it saves by underpayments. This is interesting: £1.3bn is saved by the DWP, not because people don't claim what they're entitled to, but because people do claim and the department calculates their entitlement wrongly. If you combined all the official errors by the DWP and HMRC and then undertook to rectify them – well, it would be irresponsible to talk about national bankruptcy, but we'd be kissing goodbye to our empty aircraft carriers, for a start. And that's just relating to benefits – the income tax errors in the government's favour, which predominantly hit the low paid, are even more scandalous.
Anyway, back to these fraudsters, who are the least costly element of a leaky system, but nevertheless transfix the political imagination as though they were masterminds of cunning and audacity, whose long game were to destroy the fabric of society altogether. The department doesn't break the figures down by type of fraud – whether it's mainly undeclared cash-in-hand work, or couples pretending to be single, or criminal gangs stealing identities – but they do give some sense of scale.
The average fraud per prosecution was £11,000, but only one in 10 fraudsters is prosecuted because most misdemeanours are too small to warrant it. There were 360 convictions for frauds of over £50,000 last year, but that is a tiny proportion of the total. To notch up that much, you would have to be doing something quite major, such as cloning an identity for housing benefit or faking a disability over a very long period.
Around 90% of cheats are either given an administrative penalty or a caution – and the average frauds that bring about these sanctions are, respectively, £1,100 and £1,200. So imagine you did two hours a week cash-in-hand work over the 16 hours you're allowed: and over three months, your fraud amounted to £1,000, since you shouldn't have been on jobseeker's allowance at all. That's what politicians should be asking us to envisage when they set upon this bugbear with their big sticks: people on very low incomes earning a very small amount extra and not declaring it. I am amazed that the figure for fraud is so low. When you consider the incompetence of the DWP and HMRC, you would be mad to declare a small cash-in-hand income to them. You'd probably find yourself not just having your benefits withdrawn, but also on an emergency code, erroneously charged tax that it would take you years to recover.
There is a very important failure of governance here: people are being cheated out of benefits by an incompetent system, they are being threatened for their own mistakes and simultaneously screwed by the DWP, and 200 extra employees are being taken on as "anti-fraud" officers when the first priority of government should be that it has enough staff to get its sums right.
But of course this is all common knowledge: nobody in government thinks of benefit fraud as a significant cost. It's just a rhetorical twitch that they have. Osborne demonstrated neatly, yesterday, how the rhetoric works: he placed his welfare aims in the territory of stopping cheats, but the cuts he announced were nothing to do with fraud, they applied to all welfare claimants. This narrative tacitly turns everyone who claims welfare into a fraud. It is socially very divisive, it is stigmatising, it is subtly slanderous and it is immoral.
Money is being drained from cash-starved councils by cheats, according to the Audit Commission's latest national report on 'protecting the public purse'.
The report – the penultimate national report before the commission is abolished – said that last year England's councils detected around £99m worth of benefit fraud, over £15m worth of council tax fraud, and £21m worth of other types of fraud including false insurance claims and abuse of the disabled parking blue badge scheme. Also, 1,600 social housing properties that had been unlawfully sub-let were recovered by local authorities, although as many as 50,000 houses and flats countrywide could still be occupied illegally.
The commission reported that housing tenancy fraud was now one of the most significant frauds affecting the country's economy – temporary accommodation for homeless families costs councils nearly £1bn a year, an average of £18,000 for each family and 48,000 fraudulent council tax discounts claims were stopped in 2009/10, giving £15m back to the public purse.
Audit Commission chairman Michael O'Higgins said: "Preventing and detecting fraud has never been more vital. Every pound saved can be used to strengthen public services. Cheats must not be allowed to block legitimate tenants from social housing, or divert other resources away from those in need.
"Councils have already performed well in fighting fraud, but need to be more and more vigilant. New processes and systems often open up new opportunities for fraudsters. Service providers need to stay one step ahead."
The figures revealed by the Audit Commission are in addition to the £25bn that the National Fraud Authority (NFA) says is lost every year. The NFA reckoned that £6bn of fraud and error could be recouped every year if the government stopped "fixing and failing" and investigating retrospectively and changed its processes to focus on predicting and preventing problems instead.
Graham Kemp, head of public sector at SAS UK, said: "Better data management systems and using its information more strategically and would enable the public sector to make better decisions about how to reduce unnecessary costs and redirect money towards improving services for deserving citizens."
http://www.publicservice.co.uk/news_story.asp?id=14558
also refer http://www.lga.gov.uk/lga/core/page.do?pageId=14598058


Error and fraud - physician heal thyself : from the Low Income Tax Reform Group.
Error and fraud - physician heal thyself
(20-10-2010)
A joint policy document on error and fraud was published by HMRC and the DWP this week. It is breathtaking in its lack of recognition that error and fraud are two quite different concepts and in playing down the responsibility of both government departments for official error.
If error is to be dramatically reduced government departments have to look in the mirror and acknowledge their own starring role in contributing massively to that error.
The new policy document jointly issued by HM Revenue and Customs (HMRC) and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) is entitled Tackling Fraud and Error in the benefits and tax credits systems.
It attempts to send a strong message that fraud and error will no longer be tolerated where welfare benefits are concerned, whichever government department is involved in their administration.
Mixing the messages; penalising the innocent
It is unhelpful to join together two concepts, fraud and error, in one document. Fraud, as a matter of law, requires a guilty intent; error, whether committed by claimant or government official, can be careless, or it can be wholly innocent. They are very different in origin and they need very different solutions, so to talk about them in tandem not only confuses the general audience, but potentially encourages staff in those government departments to conflate the two.
Simple, innocent error, as opposed to fraud, is a product of a highly complex system in which few are certain of the rules. UK tax credits and benefits with the multiplicity of interrelationships between them must together constitute one of the most complex systems ever devised. A claimant can make an innocent error to their detriment as easily as in their own favour. It would be wrong to penalise such innocent error and this is the danger of mixing together the notion of fraud with error.
We would recommend that, in future, the two issues are reported and dealt with quite separately.
Contributory error
It is not only the claimant who can err. We are strongly of the view that government departments are major contributors to error.
Mistaken advice by officers, when acted upon by claimants, leads to claimant error. To penalise a claimant for doing what they were wrongly advised to do by a Government employee would be harsh indeed.
Contributory error by government lies not only in the straightforward cases of officers making mistakes or giving misleading or incorrect answers on a helpline. The biggest contributory factor is making it difficult for the “customer” to understand what is required of them by, for example:
• Unintelligible forms,
• Unnecessarily complex systems,
• Computer generated “help”,
• Inadequate or no explanation of difficult parts of the law,
• Programming calculators incorrectly.
We find it incredible that on page 12 of the document HMRC assert that there is no official error in the tax credits system. What they mean is that the system they built is incapable of identifying it. To our certain knowledge billions of £ have been written off since the commencement of the tax credits regime solely because of acknowledged contributory HMRC error.
Unless this attitude is reversed and a proper analysis undertaken as to why the customer is misled we shall continue to employ more people in “compliance” chasing the error-maker rather than ensuring that error is designed out of the process from the beginning.
First things first
The measures announced to impose heavier penalties for benefit and tax credits fraud and error must be implemented with caution. While it is undoubtedly right to inflict strong penalties on fraudsters and cheats, this must not routinely happen in cases where government department failures caused the confusion in the first place.
HMRC and the DWP need to put their own houses in order before shouting about the deficiencies of those who need their help. What is required is a thorough review of all the major processes and one which approaches this task through the eyes of the “customer” rather than through the eyes of officials.