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Through this consultation the Department for Work and Pensions seeks views to inform our thinking on reforms to the benefits and Tax Credits system, including the idea of a single integrated Universal Credit.

 

Quick summary

Easy read version

Welsh summary

Related documents

How to respond to this consultation

Start date: 30 July 2010

Closing date: 1 October 2010

Please ensure your response reaches us by that date.

We have listed the main questions we would like you to respond to at the end of the introduction of the consultation document. You are, however, free to respond to any part of the consultation document.

You can respond by post and email as follows.

Benefit Reform Division
Department for Work and Pensions

1st Floor
Caxton House
6-12 Tothill Street

London
SW1H 9NA

Email: benefit.reform@dwp.gsi.gov.uk

http://www.dwp.gov.uk/consultations/2010/21st-century-welfare/

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Calling time on benefits culture: work must always pay

Calling time on benefits culture: work must always pay and be seen to pay

Millions of people abandoned on welfare will benefit from the most radical overhaul of the system in a century, as Work and Pensions Secretary Iain Duncan Smith set out plans today to revolutionise the existing benefits system.

Set out in a Command Paper entitled 21st Century Welfare are a series of options which focus on ensuring work always pays and is clearly seen to pay. They include allowing people to keep more of what they earn as they move into work whilst withdrawing benefits at a single, more reasonable rate as people start to earn more money.

Launching the paper at a visit to the Bromley by Bow centre in East London Iain Duncan Smith said:

"A system developed to help the most vulnerable and support people in times of need is trapping people in a cycle of dependency. We now have children growing up in households where neither parent works and where the only future is one stuck on benefits. This is a tragedy that we must bring to an end.

"We are proposing to change forever how the system works. Not tinkering around the edges but a fundamental change from the top to bottom. Making it easier to help people into work, fairer to those who pay for the welfare state and continuing to provide unconditional support to those who need it.

"This will affect everybody which is why I want everyone with a view on the way forward to contribute. I believe these changes will make work pay and end the poverty of aspiration that has trapped too many people for generations."

The options in the document could see a major reform of the number and type of Tax Credits and benefits available and the way in which they are withdrawn when people move and progress in the workplace. They would:

  • Combine elements of the current income-related benefits and Tax Credit systems;
  • Bring out-of-work and in-work support together in a far simpler system.
  • Supplement monthly household earnings through credit payments reflecting circumstances (including children, housing and disability).

The system could improve incentives to get a job as people would see no reduction in their benefit until they earn over a certain level.

Over a certain level of income a taper would be applied to reduce benefit. This taper would apply to earnings, rather than number of hours worked.

It could remove the very high Marginal Deduction Rates, ensuring that work pays for everyone and encouraging people to progress in their employment by not limiting the hours people can work.

The payment system will be modern and automated, bringing it into line with the standards we would all expect from our banks, and will allow flexibility so that people can be assured of the right support even if they take on temporary work.

This simplified system could reduce the amount of fraud and error in the system and also lessen the amount of time customers need to spend filling out forms when a job ends.

The options in the paper are designed to ensure that welfare is sustainable for the future and in doing so guarantee that those who cannot work are not forced to and the vulnerable receive all the support they need.

During his visit to Bromley by Bow, Iain Duncan Smith also spoke to local people about the importance of bringing down the budget deficit and called on them to contribute by putting forward any ideas they have to the Treasury as part of the Spending Challenge

Notes to Editors:

  1. The Command Paper is available on the DWP website at: www.dwp.gov.uk/21st-century-welfare/
  2. The proposals set out within the document are open for consultation until 01 October 2010
  3. Iain Duncan Smith launched the proposals in a speech at the Bromley By Bow  Centre in East London.
  4. Contributions can be made to the Spending Challenge by going to the HM Treasury website at http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/spend_index.htm

http://www.dwp.gov.uk/newsroom/press-releases/2010/july-2010/dwp100-10-3...

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TPA welcomes Iain Duncan Smith's proposals for radical reform

TPA welcomes Iain Duncan Smith's proposals for radical reform of welfare and argues reforms can save money for taxpayers

The TaxPayers' Alliance (TPA) today welcomed the 21st Century Welfare report released this morning by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) which cites TPA research and argues for a major simplification of the benefit system.  The proposal in the recent major TPA report Welfare Reform in Tough Fiscal Times is cited as the illustrative example of a "single benefit/negative income tax model".

The TPA has made benefit reform a priority for their research and campaigning.  In the TPA Manifesto reforms to taxes and benefits were set out as one of the TPA's priorities for this Parliament.  At the same time, the TPA has also been a key voice arguing for cuts in spending to address the fiscal crisis and secure better value for taxpayers, and therefore does not believe welfare reform should increase spending.

Welfare Reform in Tough Fiscal Timespointed to five key failings of the current system, which fails the poorest families:

1.   It is too complicated, with more than 50 different benefits (the take-up rate for Working Tax Credit is only 57 per cent)
2.   It is poorly administered, with fraud and error costing £4.5 billion each year
3.   It’s unfair on couples because some lose up to £1,336 by living together
4.   Those who work and progress in work are financially penalised, the minimum wage of £5.80 an hour can be worth as little as 26p
5.   The number of people living in severe poverty has increased from 5 per cent to 6 per cent in the last decade

Click here to read the full TPA report

The report describes how the ‘iron triangle’ of benefit reform means it is generally only possible to fulfil two of these three objectives at any one time: directly raise the incomes of the poor, increase the employment of the poor and reduce welfare spending.  Employment is the most sustainable way out of poverty, and at a time when the government is trying to save money, reducing welfare spending is essential.

This new paper proposes a single negative income tax, shows how it could be administered and provides a model of costs for various tax levels and taper rates (see table below).  High taper rates put people off work, our preferred option is a 55 per cent taper, whilst reducing the poverty line to 50 per cent of median income (costing £62 billion, a saving of £1.7 billion, even before getting more people into work). The cost of the benefits that the proposed negative income tax would replace, under the existing system, is £63.7 billion.

The cost of the TPA’s Negative Income Tax Proposal in 2007-08
(£ billions)


Matthew Sinclair, Research Director at the TaxPayers’ Alliance, said:

"It is great news that Iain Duncan Smith has not backed down from radical reforms, of the kind recently recommended by the TaxPayers' Alliance,  to benefits that are costing taxpayers a fortune but failing the poorest.  Continuing to trap people in the treacly complexity of a welfare system that has suffered from too many sticking plasters over the years just isn't acceptable, and a new approach is clearly needed to get people back into work.  But with taxpayers struggling under a rising tax burden and the public finances in a crisis thanks to sharp rises in spending over the last decade, more money just isn't there to smooth the path.  It is vital that the Government make the tough choices that would make it possible to reform welfare and save money now.


To discuss TPA research into welfare reform or to arrange broadcast interviews, please contact:
Matthew Sinclair, Research Director of the TaxPayers' Alliance, on 07771 990 174 or at matthew.sinclair@taxpayersalliance.com

Or direct media enquiries to 07795 084 113


Notes to editors:
1. The TaxPayers' Alliance (TPA) is Britain's independent, non-partisan campaign for lower taxes and better services. Founded in 2004, it has over 55,000 supporters nationwide.
2. The recent major TPA report on welfare, cited in today's DWP paper, can be found here: http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/welfarereform.pdf
3.Severe poverty is defined as living on 40 per cent or less of median income.

4.The TPA Manifesto, which lays out policies the new Government should pursue in the first 3 months, 1 year and 5 years in power, is online here: http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/tpamanifesto.pdf

5. The TPA report is cited as the illustrative example of a "single benefit/negative income tax model" on page 25 of the new Department for Work and Pensions report  21st Century Welfare.

http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/bettergovernment/2010/07/tpa-welcomes-i...

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Welfare reform: Just how radical is Iain Duncan Smith?

Iain Duncan Smith is launching a consultation today on different options for simplifying the benefits system and improving the incentives to work.

There’s no need to rehearse the arguments any more: the huge financial disincentives to work are now pretty widely known. Someone who leaves Jobseekers Allowance and does 40 hours work a week at the minimum wage can expect to be about £30 a week better off for their trouble. In other words, the gain from working is about 76p an hour. That’s not great, and its a similar story for other types of welfare claimants, as the table below shows.

Now we are getting into the detailed arguments about how to fix the system. There have been various different proposals, which all have different strengths and weaknesses.

The Centre for Social Justice produced their mega-report “Dynamic Benefits”. The Institute for Fiscal Studies came up with a comprehensive proposal for an Integrated Family Support (“The IFS”). The Taxpayers Alliance recently proposed a radical proposal for a “Negative Income Tax”. Reform proposed bringing a US-style Earned Income Tax Credit to the UK. The CPS published a proposal to simplify the system. And the think tank I work for, Policy Exchange, launched “Escaping the Poverty Trap”, which proposes a simple way to increase the incentive to work.

What are the main issues at stake here? Here are some of them:

• Should we get rid of the “hours rules” that make the system so complex?
• Should we get rid of tax credits, and their associated bureaucracy?
• How do simplification and increased work incentives happen in a context where we need to save money?
• How can you make the system simple for welfare claimants?

Behind all these questions are some big philosophical choices.

On the hours rules, there are two camps. Let’s call them “toe in the water” and “taking the plunge”. Our current system is not smooth, but rewards people a lot more if they work above two thresholds (16 hours and 30 hours). The graph shows how much this distorts the system.
Advocates of “taking the plunge” tend to worry that without the hours rules to force people to work a certain amount you will encourage lots of people to stay partly dependent on benefits, rather than move into full time work. The toe in the water camp argue that you should make it easy for people to gradually move back into work. If you have been on Incapacity Benefit for years, you are unlikely to suddenly move to a 40 hour week. Instead you might start by doing a bit of work, then a bit more. If you make it an all-or-nothing choice, many people will do nothing, and stay on incapacity benefit.

Personally I would really like to get rid of the hours rules. If we combined a smoother system with stronger conditionality (pressure to work), we could gradually press people to increase their hours. And with no hours rules, it would always pay them to do so.

The arguments around tax credits are more complicated still. What we call tax credits in Britain are actually nothing of the kind – as you can claim them if you are not working. They are really about trying to hit Labour’s child poverty target. If you compare them to the US system, they don’t taper in, and they do taper out faster, so they don’t encourage work so powerfully. The graph from Reform shows the difference.
So you could reform tax credits (that’s what the IFS proposal also does) to make the incentives to work stronger.

Alternatively you could just let people keep more of their benefits as they move into work, and get rid of tax credits altogether. People sometimes object to this idea because it would mean people staying “in the benefits system” to some extent for a long time. But tax credits are really part of the benefits system. However, one advantage (for the Treasury) is that not everyone claims tax credits (about a tenth of the money is not claimed). Others worry that trying to use the benefits system rather than tax credits will suck people deeper into welfare, rather than encouraging them to stay out.

On the other hand, if you keep Tax Credits you face huge administration costs, vast overpayments, and you make it very difficult for people to tell whether they will be better off working more. Crucially, the more you overhaul the system rather than incrementally reform it, the greater the opportunity there is to rethink the philosophical priorities that lie behind the current design.

If you want people to have better to have better incentives to work, and you want to use the benefits system to deliver it, then there are two ways to go about it: you can increase the disregard (the amount you can earn without losing benefits) or you can decrease the taper rate. Or you can do both, as suggested in Dynamic Benefits.

There are pros and cons in both. In Escaping the Poverty Trap we suggested an ultra-simple reform to increase work incentives: simply increasing the disregards within the current system to around £100 a week. We suggested cuts elsewhere to pay for it. It wouldn’t solve the distortions caused by the hours rules or tax credits. But it would create a powerful incentive to do at least some work, and get rid of the huge disincentive to do anything less than 16 hours. It would be really simple to communicate to claimants: “if you work, we guarantee you’ll be at least a hundred quid better off.” That wouldn’t solve the problems with the hours rules, or tax credits, but it would be easy to do.

However, I hope the coalition are going to be more radical and go for an even bigger reform. I think if we create more powerful and clearer incentives to work, then we can ask for a quid pro quo: if we make it more worthwhile to work, them we can then more easily ensure that people do work.

Over the next couple of months these big questions are going to break out of think tank land and into the public domain. It’s going to be an interesting debate. What do you think?

http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/media/2010/07/daily-telegraph-welfare-r...

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Duncan Smith unveils radical benefit reforms

Work and pensions secretary Iain Duncan Smith has unveiled radical reforms to the benefits system.


Launching a consultation paper which proposes a ‘universal credit system’ which would bring together all out-of-work and in-work benefits and tax credits into a single, simplified payment, Mr Duncan Smith said the benefits system was ‘on the verge of breaking down’.

He told BBC Radio Four’s Today programme this morning that on his arrival at the work and pensions department, officials had said: ‘For goodness’ sake, let’s get on and reform this because we spend so much money holding together this complex system which is really, really on the verge of breaking down.

‘Every day we worry that we simply will have a system breakdown and we will lose people as a result.’

The consultation paper, 21st Century welfare, proposes a number of options for simplifying the benefits system, which it says is discouraging claimants from taking jobs. These include the universal credit, which would include income replacement paying similar rates to jobseeker’s allowance, income support, and employment and support allowance, help with housing costs and a replacement payment for child tax credit.

Other options for the simplified benefit payment are those proposed by the Institute for Public Policy Research, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, and the Taxpayers’ Alliance.

There are also plans for a tapered reduction in benefits as claimants move into work.

Mr Duncan-Smith said: ‘A system developed to help the most vulnerable and support people in times of need is trapping people in a cycle of dependency. We now have children growing up in households where neither parent works and where the only future is one stuck on benefits. This is a tragedy that we must bring to an end.

‘We are proposing to change forever how the system works. Not tinkering around the edges but a fundamental change from the top to bottom. Making it easier to help people into work, fairer to those who pay for the welfare state and continuing to provide unconditional support to those who need it.’

http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/media/2010/07/inside-housing-duncan-smi...

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Turning aspirations to reform benefits into reality

There is a huge amount to like about the principles set out in 21st Century Welfare, the new report from the Department for Work and Pensions which sets out the options for radical welfare reform.  It is a powerful statement of intent that Iain Duncan Smith intends to overhaul a system that is failing the poorest instead of applying more counter-productive sticking plasters.

The report sets out four options to drastically simplify benefits: a "Universal Credit" that simplifies existing benefits into a single payment scheme; a "Single Working Age Benefit" recommended by the IPPR that would replace all benefits to the unemployed, disabled and others with a single scheme; a "Mirrlees model" proposed by the Institute for Fiscal Studies that would cut benefits but provide an initially zero and then low withdrawal rate; and a negative income tax model recommended by the TaxPayers' Alliance in our recent report Welfare Reform in Tough Fiscal Times.

As I wrote in an earlier post, there are a number of serious problems with the current system:

1.   It is too complicated, with more than 50 different benefits (the take-up rate for Working Tax Credit is only 57 per cent)
2.   It is poorly administered, with fraud and error costing £4.5 billion each year
3.   It’s unfair on couples because some lose up to £1,336 by living together
4.   Those who work and progress in work are financially penalised, the minimum wage of £5.80 an hour can be worth as little as 26p
5.   The number of people living in severe poverty has increased from 5 per cent to 6 per cent in the last decade

A simplified system along the lines that the DWP are considering could yield huge improvements in all those areas.  Unfortunately, there are two areas where today's report falls down.

The DWP needs to look at changing the poverty line.  As they aren't willing to do so, they are still talking about marginal withdrawal rates of around 70 per cent.  While it would be an improvement from the situation facing some families today, that isn't nearly good enough.  A minimum wage of £5.80 an hour would then still be worth as little as £1.74.  That massively undermines the incentives to work produced by the market, it is hard to think that it would be seen as acceptable at the other end of the income distribution.  Under our proposal, with a poverty line of 50 per cent, it is possible to ensure that total marginal withdrawal rates are never more than 55 per cent.

The failure to take the tough decision and bring the poverty line down to 50 per cent also means that the scheme will cost money, at least until it gets more people into work.  That creates two threats to the reform.  First that a Government facing a dire fiscal crisis will be put off and water down reforms, or insist on a higher taper rate that will further undermine incentives to work.  Second that the public, who rightly think they already pay more than enough for the welfare system, will turn against the reforms and make it easier for them to be unwound by an antagonistic Government in the future.  Policy Exchange polling found that the four areas the public were most likely to support cuts were the BBC, culture media and sport, international aid and benefit spending and tax credits.  Can a coalition Government making cuts really afford to increase spending in two of the four areas of cuts that the public think that is least necessary?

The other area that the DWP need to think about is tapering benefits over time as well as with increased income.  From page 25 in our report we set out some details of how that might be possible to improve incentives to work without unduly complicating the vastly simplified system we proposed.

So there is a lot to welcome in this report, and that was certainly the focus of our response today.  But Iain Duncan Smith does need to understand that ducking some of these tough choices now could make things more difficult down the line.  We will be making that clear in our response to the consultation.

http://conservativehome.blogs.com/centreright/2010/07/turning-aspiration...

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Queen’s Speech – Welfare Reform Bill

The purpose of the Bill is to:

  •  Simplify the benefits system in order to improve work incentives.

The main benefits of the Bill would be:

  • Making the benefits system less complex.
  • Improving work incentives.
  • Getting the five million plus people languishing on benefits into work and out of poverty.
  • Reducing the scope for fraud and error.

The main elements of the Bill are:

  • Removing the confusing complexity of the benefits system, which too often leaves people afraid to make any change to their circumstances and can be a barrier to moving from benefits to work.
  • Making people see a gain when entering work through simplifying the benefits system.
  • Reducing the scope for fraud and error by making the benefits system simpler.
  • Reducing unnecessary administration of benefits. Currently people can have overlapping entitlements or switch between different benefits – around 200,000 people a year cycle between Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA) and Incapacity Benefit (IB/ Employment and Support Allowance (ESA).

Related documents:

Existing legislation in this area includes:

  • Welfare Reform Act 2009
  • Welfare Reform Act 2007
  • Social Security Contributions and Benefits Act 1992

Devolution:

Any benefit changes will apply to Great Britain. Provision or benefits in Northern Ireland is devolved and will require parallel legislation.

http://www.number10.gov.uk/queens-speech/2010/05/queens-speech-welfare-r...

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Not much disagreement on welfare reform

Today's labour market figures show a slight rise in overall unemployment in the three months up to February 2010. Looking behind these figures, youth unemployment (amongst 18-24 year olds) has risen particularly strongly since the start of the recession, rising from 12.2% in the first quarter of 2008 to 17.7% in the latest data compared with a rise from 5.2% to 8.0% amongst all individuals. The number of people who have been unemployed for 12 months or more has risen from 400,000 at the start of the recession to reach 730,000 in the latest data.

Sensibly, there is general agreement between the three main parties on the need to tackle the large rise in youth and long-term unemployment caused by the recession, and all parties have policies to help deal with the high number of people who are out of work and receiving disability benefits. Today, the IFS publishes an analysis of the welfare and back-to-work policies proposed by the three main UK parties for welfare reform (the full report is available here).

For the under 25s who are unemployed, the Labour Party propose making work or training compulsory after 10 months, whilst the Conservatives would make it compulsory after 6 months. The Liberal Democrats would introduce voluntary work placements. Both Labour and the Conservatives are offering additional support for the long-term unemployed aged 25 or over and both have plans to make them partake in community work.

Labour has announced that it would move all recipients of incapacity benefits to employment and support allowance (ESA), which has a tougher medical test, by 2014, but the Conservative Party think they can do this by 2012. The Liberal Democrats are keen to stress that they would provide better "practical help" for people with disabilities to get to work, and that funding of disability-related equipment would be "already in place" when disabled people apply for a job, but without more detail it is impossible to assess the likely impact of this.

On top of these changes, the Conservative Party propose to replace all welfare-to-work programmes for the unemployed, lone parents and disabled people with a one mandatory Work Programme, delivered by private and voluntary sector organisations, with payment almost entirely by results. It is keen to present this as a "new welfare contract", but most of the ideas behind it merely go a little further in the direction of policy taken or planned by the current government.

The Conservative Party think the Work Programme and its plans for additional training places would cost £600 million over three years. It also claims that it would save £600 million over three years by moving IB recipients to ESA, providing a revenue neutral package. These savings seem odd given the Government has set out plans to implement the same policy. The Conservative Party has argued that these additional savings are credible because it does not believe that the Government would actually make savings from this reform, but the Government has set out a clear plan for moving recipients of incapacity benefits onto ESA, and announced how much it expects to save from this reform. Fundamentally, this is not a credible way of identifying 'savings' relative to the Government's plans, because any opposition party could identify alleged savings in this way at any time by simply asserting that the Government will not do things that it has publicly committed to.

None of the 3 main parties has proposed a substantial increase in the generosity of social security benefits (although government plans are for the pension credit guarantee and the state pension, from April 2012, to rise in line with average earnings, rather than inflation as is the case for most other benefits). On the other hand, the current state of the public finances may mean that the more likely scenario is for the next Government to implement more substantial cuts in social security spending than any of the 3 main parties have suggested in their manifestos. IFS researchers have found that on current policies the public spending plans set out by Alistair Darling in his last Budget imply departmental spending falling by 11.9 per cent by 2014-15, but social security spending growing by 4.4 per cent over the same period. Productivity improvements mean one might be able to squeeze more public services from a given level of departmental spending, whilst the same is not true for spending on cash benefits But, nonetheless, a post-election government may feel reluctant to allow public services spending to suffer this large a real squeeze while allowing benefit spending to grow that strongly.

http://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/4831

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Welfare reform paper sets out sensible ideas for simplification,

Welfare reform paper sets out sensible ideas for simplification, but ducks difficult decisions

The Department of Work and Pensions today published a consultation paper called 21st Century Welfare which sets out ideas for fundamental reforms to the benefits system.

The report presents a number of options for integrating different existing benefits. This has a number of potential attractions: the system could be made simpler for claimants to understand and navigate, cheaper for the government to administer, and provide a more seamless transition when family circumstances change. It could also put an end to the very highest effective tax rates that arise in the current system when people face several benefits being withdrawn at once - though perhaps at the cost of increasing effective tax rates for others. Devils will no doubt lurk in the detail, and the transition to a radically different system is bound to be hazardous. But the existing system is unnecessarily complicated and piecemeal; there are clear improvements available and the approach outlined in the report is promising.

But the report is much weaker in facing up to the age-old trade-offs between redistribution, work incentives and affordability. It is difficult to strengthen work incentives without either spending more money or hurting the poor - neither of which seems likely to be an attractive proposition to the government. In some cases the pursuit of conflicting objectives leads the paper to make proposals that seem to contradict each other. The report concludes that the government could 'improve work incentives by reforming the way benefits are tapered as incomes rise and allow people to keep more of their earnings' (implying less rapid withdrawal of benefits) and, in the next bullet point, that the reforms could be 'targeted to those most in need through tapers which focus payments on those with lowest incomes' (implying more rapid withdrawal of benefits).

More often, the report simply ducks difficult issues, putting them off for future consideration. It says that 'a balance between incentives and affordability would need to be struck', that 'reforms will need to consider the balance between contributory benefits and targeting support on those with the lowest incomes', and that 'at the appropriate stage, we will assess the impact of our proposals on vulnerable groups'. The multi-billion pound question is what the appropriate balance between competing objectives should be, and this is left unanswered.

The trade-off between objectives would be less severe if the government could throw money at the problem. But, come the spending review this autumn, George Osborne will be looking to take billions more out of the welfare budget, not to put billions more into it. This means that any promising structural reforms of the type identified in this paper are likely to be accompanied by financial losses for significant numbers of families now in receipt of benefits.

http://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/5217

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Simplifying benefits: what should we expect from the new governm

Simplifying benefits: what should we expect from the new government?

This presentation was given to the Low Incomes Tax Reform Group.

Download full version (PDF 512 KB)

http://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/5174

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Scope response to 21st Century Welfare consultation

In response to the Government's report on welfare reform - 21st Century Welfare, Richard Hawkes, chief executive of Scope, said:

“Any plan to simplify the benefits system and support disabled people into the workplace is a positive move because we know this is what disabled people want.

"The spirit with which the Government has approached reforms in the 21st century welfare report is certainly positive on paper. We hope that they will now take the time to talk to disabled people so they can accurately assess the impact the proposed changes will have on people with very specific and individual needs.

"Only then can we confidently say that we are moving closer to a society where ‘disabled people have an equal role’ and are fully supported to reach their potential.”

http://www.scope.org.uk/node/16773

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Citizens Advice response to 21st Century Welfare paper

Citizens Advice Director of Public Policy Teresa Perchard said:

“Citizens Advice bureaux throughout England and Wales helped people to resolve over 2 million problems they had with claiming benefits and tax credits last year. Complex rules result in overly long and complex forms and systems, with applicants in need of help from the welfare system passed from pillar to post. Many more people do not even claim benefits and tax credits they are entitled to - put off by an overly complex system.

“Having long called for a simplification of the tax, tax credit and benefit systems we are pleased to see the Government today acknowledge not only that complexity is a key problem with the current system but that they are determined to deliver a simpler system. We especially welcome proposals which could allow much greater flexibility for individuals to work a small number of hours a week without losing benefits and to keep more of what they earn and save. If such changes go ahead it could transform the culture of our welfare system to one which trusts citizens and helps them do what they can rather than telling them what they cannot do.

“However, it is vital that in the mission to simplify the government also designs and delivers a system which ensures people are not living in poverty, that individual needs are recognised and citizens who need financial support from the state at any time in their lives are treated with respect and dignity and are appropriately supported. A welfare system that does not turn the tide on poverty is embedding inequality in our society. Balancing these requirements with greater simplicity, and tight public spending requirements will be the key challenges for the Government.

“We welcome the open nature of the Government's consultation on these reforms - it is important that great care is taken in bringing in such fundamental changes and that they are not rushed. There are many examples over the years where benefit and tax credit changes, that have been intended for good, have left people in hardship through poor implementation. We will be feeding the evidence from our experience of advising people about benefit entitlements and helping them to navigate the system into this consultation.”

http://www.citizensadvice.org.uk/press_20100730

 

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At last, someone is going to tackle this shameless bloated benef

AT LAST, SOMEONE IS GOING TO TACKLE THIS SHAMELESS BLOATED BENEFIT BONANZA

RADICAL welfare reforms unveiled yesterday by the Government are “the beginning of the end” for ­Benefit Britain, Iain Duncan Smith vowed.

He promised the biggest overhaul in decades of the bloated ­system to make it clear that no one would be better off on the dole and to get millions back into work.

Highlighting “shocking” statistics, including families where up to three generations had never worked, the Tory Work and Pensions Secretary declared: “Today is the beginning, I hope, of the end of this antiquated, piecemeal, multi-factional system of benefits that actually benefits very few people and leaves all of us with higher and higher bills for those we leave without work, opportunity or hope.”

Describing a scenario that could have come from the television series Shameless, he said: “The benefits system has created pockets of worklessness where idleness has become institutionalised.”

The cost of benefits and tax credits paid to people of working age has soared from £63billion in 1996-7 to £87billion in 2009-10. But Mr Duncan Smith stressed that the total benefit bill had gone up by £60billion, from £87billion to £146.9billion last year, when pensions were included.

He admitted he had been in talks with the Treasury about the fact his plans were likely to require extra upfront spending – previously estimated at between £3billion and £7billion at a time when Whitehall faces deep cuts.

But he said “investing” now would pay dividends long term by slashing administration, “dramatic” fraud and error costs and getting more people into work.

His consultation document, 21st Century Welfare, said reform must “establish a fairer relationship between the people who receive benefits and the people who pay for them, and, as crucially, between the people on out-of-work benefits and people who work in low-paid jobs”.

He published options including scrapping Gordon Brown’s cherished, complex tax credits

A single “universal credit” could replace a swathe of more than 50 benefits and would be withdrawn at a uniform rate as people started earning, to make the system clear and ensure “work pays”. Other options include proposals reported earlier this month in the Daily Express from the TaxPayers’ Alliance for a “negative income tax” to replace most benefits.

Claimants would get their entitlement through tax rebates that would decline as they returned to work and their pay increased.

Mr Duncan Smith also left the door open for benefits to be cut in some parts of the country to reflect cheaper local living costs. He told a conference in east London that the harsh way benefits were withdrawn as people started earning amounted to a “supertax’’ on the poorest.

Five million people are on out-of-work benefits and a “staggering’’ 1.4 million have been on benefits for nine or more of the past 10 years.

Shadow Work and Pensions Secretary Yvette Cooper said: “Major reform either costs billions or means taking money from those who need it most. Iain Duncan Smith needs to be honest and tell us which it is.’’ Unions questioned where new jobs would come from.

But business groups welcomed the proposals, and Matthew Sinclair, of the TaxPayers’ Alliance, said: “It is great news Iain Duncan Smith has not backed down from radical reforms of the kind recently recommended by us.’’

http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/media/2010/07/daily-express-at-last-som...

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Reforming the UK Family Tax and Benefit System

Reforming the UK Family Tax and Benefits System reveals that the average middle-income family today pays £6,016 in tax and National Insurance contributions, but gets back £5,383 as social security and family payments. This unnecessary churning has undermined family independence and self-reliance and turned four-fifths of the nation’s families (around 5.5 million households) into welfare claimants.

Here are some of the recommendations from this report:

  • Tax allowances for dependent children and for non-working spouses should be restored. This would allow working parents to keep more of what they earn, rather than going to the state for top-ups, and it would reduce wasteful churning and ‘middle class welfare’.
  • Tax credits should be retained, but cut back so they are only claimed by low income working families
  • The tax credits system should also be overhauled. There should be a single family tax credit, normally payable annually in arrears so as to eliminate the overpayments problem and reduce fraud.

Download Publication PDF

http://www.policyexchange.org.uk/research_areas/social_policy.cgi?topic_...

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Cameron must take this chance to end the giant evil of welfare

Cameron must take this chance to end the giant evil of welfare dependency

There’s been plenty political drama in these past few weeks, but the most crucial agenda – and by some margin – is Iain Duncan Smith’s proposed overhaul of welfare. It doesn’t deserve to be categorised as just another political tussle. As I say in the News of the World today, it is easily the most important issue in Britain, and it is overlooked because of an affliction which most of our political class suffers: that of moral long-sightedness. No one wears wristbands for the British poor, Prime Ministers pledge to “eradicate illiteracy” in Africa yet are strangely indifferent to the illiteracy on our own doorstep. The plight and lives of people on benefits, and the one-in-six children who live in workless households is somehow a deeply unfashionable one.

Jo Moore, the former Labour spad, had a point when she said "there are no votes in the poor". Sorting welfare comes at a political cost – and for what? Helping a bunch of people who tend not to vote. Far easier to shovel money at the poor, and leave them in decaying council estates. For too long, the Tories thought that poverty was somehow Labour’s territory. Labour had its own blindness: pouring money in the welfare ghettoes, as if this would solve the problem. Both overlooked the essential Beveridge insight: that idleness (as opposed to claimant unemployment) is a “giant evil”. This is the key insight behind the “broken society” agenda that David Cameron has adopted.
 
The IDS agenda, as developed by the Centre for Social Justice, is the most thought-through solution to this problem. When he was sent to the DWP, it created perhaps the best chance we will have to sort this. Welfare reform is exhausting, but in IDS we Have someone for whom welfare reform is his last job in politics: he'll either do what's necessary, or resign. He has no interest in pretending to fix the system, as Peter Hain did. His discussion paper came out on Friday with four options. The first is the Universal Benefit, an idea which – when it was first born – became a cover story for The Spectator. There are three lesser options, which reflect varying degrees of cop-out. The winner will be decided in a White Paper in November, and it will be a test of this government’s commitment to fixing that ‘broken society’.
 
The analysis is simple, and was made clear by an excellent Taxpayers Alliance video (see below). If welfare pays more than work, why work? The Centre for Policy Studies recently calculated a scenario where a woman who does extra work get to keep just 4.5p in the pound of what she earns (pdf here) due to taxes charged and benefits withdrawn. This should cause outrage, and would if our political class were more interested in policy. (The ‘let them eat tax credits’ approach of Labour left reflects an interest in ideology, not policy or people.) IDS says this should be at least 40p in the pound. Simples. You just replace this overlapping web of benefits with a single clear structure which will sweep away every welfare trap.
This basic failure lies behind so many social problems we have today. Why do we have so many immigrants? Because welfare makes it not worth the while of millions of British people to work. Why did Britain never have fewer than a scandalous five million on the dole in the Labour years? Same reason. What’s the common thread running through our social horror stories like Karen Matthews and most instances of knife-crime? The key players tend to live in welfare ghettoes, walking the road to dependency paved by the welfare system. Beveridge chose the words “giant evil” advisedly. To fight this evil, ensure that work actually pays – for everyone. What IDS is proposing is amazingly simple, and has transformative potential.
 
The Treasury is opposing it, partly because it say it can’t afford to cut tax for the low-paid. IDS argues, basically, that if a woman is getting up at 4am to clean offices then she is entitled to keep every penny of what she earns. That’s a moral argument. But, economically, if we don’t make it worth her while to earn then she’ll choose dole instead – which will be much more expensive in the long run. The Treasury is institutionally blind to such maths and, crucially, blind to the immigration problem. It doesn’t care who takes jobs, as long as it gets NI and PAYE revenues. It hasn’t worked out that mass immigration has broken the link between UK dole and UK jobs. Failure to understand this means failure to understand the UK labour market. Morally and economically, the Treasury officials have it wrong.
 
But, more broadly, opposing change is what the Treasury does. Cameron has inherited raging Whitehall wars: the Treasury was always shafted by the Department for Education under Balls (who’d always go straight to Brown) and so it wants to wreak revenge on the DfE. Also under Brown, the Treasury decided welfare policy and the DWP just doled out cash to claimants. The Treasury, institutionally, is upset that the DWP is now setting policy, and wants these upstarts put in their place. The behaviour of Treasury officials is hardly inspired by Osborne, who is supportive of the IDS agenda and argued for his appointment. And Cameron is dismayed at all these ongoing Balkan-style wars within the government he has inherited. His thinking is that he’ll give the civil servants a few weeks to calm down, and realise that they are now working for a government of “functioning adults” (as Patrick Wintour described the coalition, contrasting it with Labour). If they’re still misbehaving in October, it will be time to bang some heads together. And, whisper it, sack civil servants whose sectarian freelancing frustrates the progress of government.
 
To uproot the poisoned tree of Brownism  and to support the reforming agenda that this coalition government has so boldly adopted – one needs to do some plumbing. Brown had his power by being the Gollum of Whitehall, living in its back passages. The superficial Blair could never be bothered going down to such detail, which is why Brown always beat him. Cameron needs to find someone who is willing to do three things. 1) Work out where all the civil service antagonism is coming from, 2) Work out what nature it takes, and 3) Enact remedies.
 
The antagonism is down to old turf wars. This can be remedied by moving people around into new departments (DfID has been so deeply politicised for so long that it may need an 80 percent staff turnover to make it a normal government department). The nature of the opposition is dodgy assumptions – or what I call policy-based evidence-making. The Treasury, for example, claimed the 50 percent tax raises money by using a false assumption for elasticity rates of high-income taxpayers. The Stern Review managed to fake climate change economics by using an almost fraudulently low discounting rate (as Tim Worstall spotted – Fleet St didn’t). The civil servants think, correctly, that the ministers never cotton on to such sleights of hand. The only defence ministers have against this is special advisers who are genuine experts, and can spot a trick pulled by the civil service. Cameron’s lack of special advisers makes his government especially vulnerable to being misled by government departments.
 
The civil service’s instant reaction is to stop reform. The Treasury was taught, under Brown, to crush any ideas that it did not produce. This is how it still thinks. This is what IDS, Michael Gove, Nick Herbert and even Andrew Lansley must overcome if they are to reform. They will achieve nothing without covering fire from David Cameron in No10.
 
As CoffeeHousers know, I have huge respect for the Blair reformers. John Hutton, Alan Milburn, John Reid, James Purnell, Andrew Adonis and Jim Murphy were serious, well-intentioned ministers who gave their all. Cameron should ask: why did they fail? They had Blair’s No10 behind them. The answer is not, simply, because Brown was there and now he’s not. There is institutional inertia. It’s a shame, in a way, that British government (unlike the American one) has lawmaking powers – because that puts too much focus on legislation. A Prime Minister changes Britain by mastering the Leviathan which is the government machine – not by passing new laws. Cameron will be judged on this.
 
One final point. Obama is in trouble because he has presided over a jobless recovery. If Cameron’s economic recovery simply serves to suck in more immigrants – because British people have no incentive to take jobs for 4.5p in the pound – then he will have failed as Prime Minister and be punished for it. We have 5.9 million people claiming out-of-work benefits right now – more than the entire populations of Denmark, Finland, Singapore, Ireland or New Zealand. A quarter of Liverpool, Glasgow, Blackpool are on the dole (full list here). Look at the chart below: a quarter of our great cities, on the dole.

When a quarter of people were on the dole in the 1930s, we called it a Great Depression. Now, we just shrug and say that life is tough. Somehow, sometime, we became inured to this giant evil of idleness. And didn’t think it strange how immigrants flocked to these cities to find the jobs that we’re paying locals not to take.
 
In failing to fix welfare, Labour oversaw a situation where – as CoffeeHouse revealed – 99 per cent of the new jobs were accounted for by immigration. Welfare reform takes years. A Universal Benefit would require new monthly employers' reports – it’s the cornerstone to the whole system. But even if that goes ahead, it probably wouldn’t start until April 2012. If Cameron wants any results in 2015, he needs to start now. The question is simple: how serious is he about fixing this broken society? In the next few months, we’ll see.

http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/media/2010/08/coffee-house-spectator-ca...

Steve Sant (not verified)
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Welfare Reform.

I am extremely concerned about the lack of safeguards for those who,like me,sadly work can never be an option. Already since I became disabled in 2004 I have twice had my claim 'reviewed' and my benefit suspended during those reviews for periods of 18 days and 7 months! During the seven month debacle I was fined £1000 for lapsing with payments on my tv licence and had my gas cut off forcing me to pay £250 to have in re-connected. OK,I eventually won my case for my claim to be allowed at Tribunal and got a considerable sum in back payments but the point is the DWP decision makers got their decisions wrong causing me no end of grief. What safeguards are in place to ensure the genuinely sick will not be 'targeted'? I can tell you,precious few! Almost nobody is to escape this latest 'crackdown'. The pursuit of fraudsters is of course prudent in any field and the plan to ensure people who wish to work despite their disability,which I accept is the vast majority,is very welcome but I cannot work in any conventional sense yet do not fall into the 'exempt' catergory as far as I can tell. ie.I do not qualify for IS1500. I forsee another six months of living on neighbours kindnesses and appeals to the Tribunals service as things stand. Surely the bottom line ought to be ensuring everyone has something to live on? The bottom line here appears to be you must prove you need something to live on...even if it takes you six months to do it.

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21st Century Welfare - update

Background

This the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) consultation seeks views on proposed reforms to the benefits and tax credits system.

The consultation sets out seven principles for reform. These are to:

  • ensure that people can see that the clear rewards from taking all types of work outweigh the risks;
  • further incentivise and encourage households and families to move into work and to increase the amount of work they do, by improving the rewards from work at low earnings, and helping them keep more of their earnings as they work harder;
  • increase fairness between different groups of benefit recipients and between recipients and the taxpayer;
  • continue to support those most in need and reduce the numbers of workless households and children in poverty and ensure that interactions with other systems of support for basic needs are considered;
  • promote responsibility and positive behaviour, doing more to reward saving, strengthening the family and, in tandem with improving incentives, reinforcing conditionality;
  • automate processes and maximise self service, to reduce the scope for fraud, error and overpayments. This could include a responsive and immediate service that saves the taxpayer significant amounts of money and ensures compliance costs for employers, at worst, no worse than under the current system; and
  • ensure that the benefits and Tax Credits system is affordable in the short and longer term.

To achieve this the consultation proposes the introduction of a Universal Credit which would bring together existing income-related out-of-work benefits and tax credits into a supposed simpler, integrated system that supports people in and out of work.  

This system has already been proposed in ‘Dynamic Benefits: Towards Welfare That Works’, a report produced by the Centre for Social Justice.

The consultation asks 12 questions:

    1. What steps should the Government consider to reduce the cost of the welfare system and reduce welfare dependency and poverty?
    2. Which aspects of the current benefits and Tax Credits system in particular
      lead to the widely held view that work does not pay for benefit recipients?
    3. To what extent is the complexity of the system deterring some people from moving into work?
    4. To what extent is structural reform needed to deliver customer service improvements, drive down administration costs and cut the levels of error, overpayments and fraud?
    5. Has the Government identified the right set of principles to use to guide reform?
    6. Would an approach along the lines of the models set out in chapter 3 improve work incentives and hence help the Government to reduce costs and tackle welfare dependency and poverty? Which elements would be most successful? What other approaches should the Government consider?
    7. Do you think we should increase the obligations on benefit claimants who
      can work to take the steps necessary to seek and enter work?
    8. Do you think that we should have a system of conditionality which aims to maximise the amount of work a person does, consistent with their personal circumstances?
    9. If you agree that there should be greater localism what local flexibility would
      be required to deliver this?
    10. The Government is committed to delivering more affordable homes. How could reform best be implemented to ensure providers can continue to deliver the new homes we need and maintain the existing affordable homes?
    11. What would be the best way to organise delivery of a reformed system to
      achieve improvements in outcomes, customer service and efficiency?
    12. Is there anything else you would like to tell us about the proposals in this document?

Closing date for responses

The closing date for responses is 1 October 2010.

How to Respond

You can download the consultation and find out how to respond from the DWP website link below.

The Northern Ireland consultation is also now available below from the Department for Social Development website..

More information

http://www.disabilityalliance.org/welfare21.htm

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21st century welfare and work programme - Tameside local event
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Downing Street backs simplified benefits system
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CBI calls for more "means testing" of middle class benefits.

The Confederation of British Industry (CBI) on page 36 of is submission to the government on the 2010 spending review recomends more "means testing" of universal benefits.

Universal benefits include Child Benefit, Winter fuel payments etc.

 

This subject comes up time and time again. In a recent "Daily Politics" show on BBC2 with Simon Hughes and Yvette Cooper. Both were asked why on the salaries they recieve should Yvette Copper and her husband Ed Balls recieve Child Benefit. Simon Hughes was asked why he would need a winter fuel payment when he becomes eligible.  Currently some benefits paid are exempt from taxation and this was one suggestion put forward. Yvette Cooper defended the universality of child benefit saying that it may cost more to introduce means testing.

The main arguement for those calling for an end to "universal benefits" is that money saved by those who are finacially able to do without these payments could be channeled to those who really need it, in increased payments.

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TPA submission to DWP consultation

Today we are submitting our response to the Department for Work and Pensions’ consultation 21st Century Welfare.

Our submission highlights and builds upon all of the key points from our report Welfare reform in tough fiscal times released in July. It’s crucial that welfare is reformed but it doesn’t have to cost money now. We have proposed a Negative Income Tax, with savings in year 1 paid for by dropping the poverty line to 50 per cent (pending a shift to measuring poverty in absolute terms rather than relative terms) and carrying withdrawal rates.

You can read our submission in full here, and you can put your own comments to the Department online here. Please read and share this submission with friends and colleagues through Facebook, Twitter and email, and encourage others to help us make the case for a welfare system that will get people back to work and save taxpayers’ money.

There is an opportunity to finally reform our broken benefits system and we can’t let it pass us by.

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Response to the DWP consultation document, 21st Century Welfare

Response to the DWP consultation document, 21st Century Welfare

by Dr David Green, Civitas

http://www.civitas.org.uk/pdf/Civitas_ResponseToConsultationCm7913.pdf

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Response 21st Century Welfare - DWP consultation Response

Response

21st Century Welfare - DWP consultation

Response by the BSA

The BSA is supportive of proposals to streamline the benefits process and therefore support the principles for introducing a Universal Credit (UC). However, we are concerned with the impact that UC would have on the Support for Mortgage Interest (SMI) benefit. The proposals throw up a number of issues, particularly with SMI in its current form. We believe it is too simplistic to lump all employment and housing costs under the new process.

We acknowledge that SMI is not currently a benefit in its own right and that it is one component in the calculation of entitlement to income related benefits. However, SMI is paid separately and directly to lenders under the Mortgage Interest Direct scheme and this could potentially be lost under the UC proposals.

The proposals with UC currently have the potential to result in SMI not performing its main function (payment of the mortgage) and is instead used for other purposes, or it could become insufficient in terms of financial support.

The response also provides recommendations on reforming SMI more generally.

The full response can be accessed via the link below:

BSA response to the DWP consultation - 21st Century Welfare

http://www.bsa.org.uk/policy/response/21st_century_welfare.htm

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RAISE - 21st Century Welfare

The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) is consulting on 21st Century Welfare, a reform of the benefits system to end worklessness and dependency. The plans propose to help people move into work by letting them keep more of their earnings, creating a more affordable welfare system.  The core aim is to ‘make work pay’.

 

DWP highlights that under the current system work incentives for some groups are poor and the benefits system is too complex. The key principles for reform are:

 

  • Ensure people see clear rewards from taking all types of work outweigh the risk
  • Incentivise households to move into work and increase the amount of work they do
  • Increase fairness between groups of benefit recipients and between recipients and the taxpayer
  • Support those in need; reduce numbers of workless households and children in poverty
  • Promote responsibility and positive behaviour, reward saving, strengthen the family and reinforce conditionality
  • Automate processes and maximise self service to reduce scope for fraud, error and overpayments
  • Ensure the benefits and Tax Credits system is affordable in the short and long term

 

The Voluntary and Community Sector (VCS) provides support to vulnerable groups, some of whom may find it hard to get into employment due to ill health, physical or mental disabilities. RAISE has identified the following scenarios and would appreciate feedback on how the proposals might affect these groups:

 

  • A reduction in the number of means tests would reduce the complexity of the system, but may adversely affect vulnerable groups.

 

  • If the economy doesn’t pick up in the short term, there will not be jobs available for people to move into, so welfare claimants will increase as unemployment rises. Will the vulnerable receive an adequate share of the money or will resources be spread too thinly?

 

  • A ‘one size fits all’ approach may adversely affect vulnerable groups. Some people are legitimately unable to work 16 hours a week, these individuals should not be penalised.

 

  • Steps should be taken to remove the stigma attached to claiming benefits, which can be of detriment to claimant’s health and confidence. Does this Welfare Reform help or hinder the need to remove this stigma?

 

  • An individual may seek work for a prolonged period.  If unsuccessful, under the new system they may be perceived as insufficiently active in seeking work and have benefits tapered. The system must be careful not to penalise those who want to work.

 

  • DWP highlights the need to work in partnership with HM Revenue and Customs and Local Authorities, but do not mention the VCS who need to be recognised as an important and equal partner.

http://www.raisepolicy.org.uk/21stcenturywelfare.shtml

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21st Century Welfare: commentary on, and response to, the Govern

21st Century Welfare: commentary on, and response to, the Government's consultation on welfare reform

The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) consultation paper, "21st Century Welfare", argues that there are substantial advantages to having a more integrated benefits and tax credits system: it would reduce the government's administration costs and the amount of money lost to fraud and error, and be simpler for claimants to understand, which might in itself encourage some to enter work. We agree with this assessment, and consider there to be a strong case for integrating all benefits and tax credits into a single benefit. If the Government decides that full integration of the benefits and tax credits system is too drastic a change or not worth the risk of upheaval, then it should seek integration or alignment on a smaller scale wherever possible; we suggest the Government look first at the way that housing benefit and council tax benefit interact with tax credits for those in work.

The DWP document also suggests that work incentives need to be strengthened. This is a separate issue from simplification and integration: benefits and tax credits could be integrated without altering anyone's entitlement or their financial work incentives, and work incentives could be strengthened within the current set of benefits and tax credits. The DWP document does not specify which groups it is most concerned about, and so it is not possible to suggest what direction reforms might take. Ultimately, strengthening incentives for low earners to work can be done only by paying less money to those who do not work or by paying more money to those with low earnings.

Download full version (PDF 109 KB)

 

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Response to the Department for Work and Pensions on 21st Century

Response to the Department for Work and Pensions on 21st Century Welfare

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation's response to the Department for Work and Pensions consultation on 21st Century Welfare.

http://www.jrf.org.uk/publications/response-dwp-21st-century-welfare

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21st century welfare: TUC consultation response

This is TUC's response to the Department for Work and Pensions' consultation on reforms to the benefits and tax credits system.
1.10.2010

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https://www.tuc.org.uk/social/tuc-18579-f00.cfm

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Government response to 21st Century Welfare Consultation

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